Object of the Semester

Summer Semester 2022

[1]
See Peter K. Klein, “J udenspottkarten,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus…

[2]
See Frank Bajoh r, “Bäder-Antisemitismus,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus…

[3]
Frank Bajohr, “Unser Hotel ist judenfrei.” Bäder-Antisemitismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert…

[4]
See Frank Bajohr, “Das Zinnowitzlied: Ein Symbol des Bäder-Antisemitismus…

[5]
B. Huismann, Die Nordseeinsel Borkum einst und jetzt, Borkum 1897 , p. 119. Citation…

[6]
See Michael Wildt, “’Der muß hinaus! Der muß hinaus!’ Antisemitismus in…

[7]
See Bajohr, “Das Zinnowitzlied.”

[8]
Detlev Claussen, “Vertreibung aus dem Urlaubsparadies. Über den Borkumantisemitismus…

[9]
Klein, “Judenspottkart en,” p. 229.

[10]
See Bajohr, “Bäder-Antisemitism us,” p. 39.

[11]
See Wildt, “’Der muß hi naus!’,” pp. 19 f. and 23.

“Greetings from Borkum.” Postcards as Examples of Antisemitism at Vacation Spas in the 19th and 20th centuries

Antisemitic postcards make up the largest category of objects by far within the Langerman Collection, numbering more than 3,500. Many of them belong to the group of so-called “Judenspottkarten” (Jew-mocking cards): These picture postcards with anti-Jewish content were disseminated in Germany and many other countries in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They ridiculed and defamed Jews, presenting them as “others” who could not belong because of supposed physical and cultural differences that were considered indelible.^[1] Quite a few of these Jew-mocking cards in the collection reflect so-called spa antisemitism, a term that refers to the culture of enmity with which Jewish guests had been confronted in a variety of resort locations within the German Empire and other countries since the 1870s.^[2]

For the most part, this spa antisemitism emanated from vacationing guests rather than drawing on local anti-Jewish traditions. In many resorts, however, the antisemitic behavior of guests found favor not only with local spa and bath administrations but with the local population as well, not least for economic reasons: By attracting growing numbers of antisemitic tourists, spa antisemitism became a “lucrative business.”^[3]

This everyday antisemitism hit Jewish visitors to the newer spas particularly hard. Fed by the rise in tourism, these locations increasingly drew guests from the middle class and petty bourgeoisie who wanted to show off their social advancement with a vacation but could not afford expensive hotels in established resorts.^[4] Many of them regarded Jews – who, thanks to their social advancement in the 19th century, also had been partaking in the development of tourism – with sentiments of envy and resentment, seeing them as unwelcome competitors. They stigmatized Jews as parvenus who had gained their standing unjustly and who ought to be shown that they did not belong. However, since the constitutionally guaranteed right to freedom of movement prevented them from banning Jews from locations, antisemites tried to make Jewish guests feel as unwelcome as possible, to literally drive them away.

One of the resort areas that stood out in this regard, having earned a reputation already in the 1880s as a stronghold of spa antisemitism, was the North Sea island of Borkum. In an 1897 guide to the island, Borkum was described as “judenrein” – “free of Jews”^[5] – and two years later the resort topped a list of seaside and summer resorts, published by the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, that did not want Jewish guests.^[6] Our “Object of the Semester” is an antisemitic postcard with the title “Gruss aus Borkum” (“Greetings from Borkum”), published by E. Adami in Emden and posted in Borkum in late July 1901 to one Hede Trümper of Berlin. It combines two essential modes of expression and dissemination of spa antisemitism of the imperial era: the anti-Jewish song and the anti-Jewish picture postcard.

The picture side features the text of the “Borkum song,” which was already sung on the island in the 1890s to the tune of the “Kaisermarsch Hipp, hipp, hurrah!”^[7] Beginning with a hymn of praise to the beauty of the island of Borkum, the song in this first version concluded with the lines: “But whoever approaches you with flat feet,/With crooked noses and frizzy hair,/Should not enjoy your beach,/Throw him out! Throw him out!/Out!” The sociologist Detlev Claussen has noted that the song was sung at the resort nightly, and described it as a “Borkum special attraction.”^[8] The senders of the postcard reported as much: “This song,” they noted after describing the idyllic vacation spot and sending warmest greetings, “is sung here on the beach every evening at 10 o’clock on the dot; no guest can sleep peacefully if he has not sung along.”

The unmistakable antisemitic message of the “Borkum song” is accompanied by an illustration that is just as unambiguous: A family whose members are marked as “Jewish” by their distorted physiognomies and bodies is barred from entering a banquet hall, while the non-Jewish spa guests allowed inside sing and celebrate.

According to the historian Peter K. Klein, such postcards “are a trivial but revealing medium conveying the diverse manifestations of everyday antisemitism” and forming “an important indicator – one that has received little attention in the field of research on antisemitism for a long time – for the spread of anti-Jewish prejudices and stereotypes.”^[9] Although – or precisely because – there is still much to be uncovered with regard to their originators, publishers, production contexts, editions, distribution, user groups, usage practices, and reception, these postcards represent particularly valuable sources for research on the history of everyday antisemitism.

After World War I, spa antisemitism became radicalized. No longer was it aimed merely at keeping Jewish vacationers out of specific resort areas; rather, the expulsion of Jews from tourist destinations was intended to become a blueprint for creating a German Empire “free of Jews.”^[10] After the National Socialists took power, the situation in spas and resorts worsened drastically. Previously, initiatives against Jewish guests had mostly been driven “from below.” Now, the newly appointed communal and resort administrations as well as the local NSDAP (Nazi Party) became active, banning Jews from using resort infrastructure and even from setting foot on the beach.^[11]

^[1] See Peter K. Klein, “Judenspottkarten,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 7: Literatur, Film, Theater und Kunst, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2015, pp. 228-232.

^[2] See Frank Bajohr, “Bäder-Antisemitismus,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 3: Begriffe, Theorien, Ideologien, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2010, pp. 37-40, here p. 37.

^[3] Frank Bajohr, “Unser Hotel ist judenfrei.” Bäder-Antisemitismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt a. M. 2003, p. 15 f.

^[4] See Frank Bajohr, “Das Zinnowitzlied: Ein Symbol des Bäder-Antisemitismus,“ in: Hamburger Schlüsseldokumente zur deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte. Eine Online-Quellenedition, published online on 22 September 2016, https://dx.doi.org/10.23691/jgo:article-86.de.v1 [accessed on 1 February 2022].

^[5] B. Huismann, Die Nordseeinsel Borkum einst und jetzt, Borkum 1897, p. 119. Citation: Bajohr, “Unser Hotel ist judenfrei.” p. 12.

^[6] See Michael Wildt, “’Der muß hinaus! Der muß hinaus!’ Antisemitismus in deutschen Nord- und Ostseebädern 1920-1935,” in: Mittelweg 36 (2001) 4, pp. 3-25, here p. 12.

^[7]See Bajohr, “Das Zinnowitzlied.”

^[8] Detlev Claussen, “Vertreibung aus dem Urlaubsparadies. Über den Borkumantisemitismus,” in: Helmut Gold/Georg Heuberger (eds.), Abgestempelt. Judenfeindliche Postkarten. Auf der Grundlage der Sammlung Wolfgang Haney, Heidelberg 1999, pp. 251-255, here p. 252.

^[9] Klein, “Judenspottkarten,” p. 229.

^[10] See Bajohr, “Bäder-Antisemitismus,” p. 39.

^[11] See Wildt, “’Der muß hinaus!’,” pp. 19 f. and 23.

Winter Semester 2021/22

[1]
Cited by Rainer Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende: Von den Anfängen bis ins 20. Jahrhundert,”…

[2]
On the emergenc e and spread of the ritual murder legend before 1475, see: Wolfgang…

[3]
See Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende,” p. 13.

[4]
See Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozeß, p. 30.

[5]
See Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende,” p. 12 f.; Rainer Erb, “Ritualmordbeschuldigung,”…

[6]
See David L. Dahl, “Ritualmordvorwurf in Trient (1475),” in: Handbuch des…

[7]
See Diego Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren gegen die Juden von Trient (1475–1478),”…

[8]
Auktionshaus C. J. Wawra/Auktionshaus Glückselig/Kunsthändler Richard…

[9]
Albert Werner/Alfred Wawra (eds.), Versteigerung einer hervorragenden Sammlung…

[10]
See Hartmann Schedel, Register des Buchs der Croniken und Geschichten mit Figuren und…

[11]
For details, see: Quag lioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren;” Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozeß.

[12]
Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren,” p. 100.

[13]
See Dahl, “Ritualmordvorwurf in Trient,” p. 357 f.; Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren,”…

[14]
See Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende,” p. 15.

[15]
See ibid., pp. 12 and 18 f., note 1. On the accusation of ritual murder in Islamic…

The Trent Ritual Murder Accusation (1475) and Its Consequences

In 1989, the Vatican declared that “there was never any Jewish ritual murder.”^[1] The very fact that this obvious truth still bore repeating at the close of the 20th century shows the longevity and momentous significance of this absurd charge of supposed ritual murder of Christian children, underscoring its impact, past and present, on the Jewish community.

The first medieval ritual murder legend emerged in 1144 in the English city of Norwich and spread from there across Western Europe to German-speaking lands and northern Italy;^[2] by the 16th century it had also reached Poland, and as of the 19th century it had found a footing in the Ottoman Empire. The charge of ritual murder against the Jewish population regularly led to violent attacks and was often driven by material interests.^[3]

The preposterous accusation revolves around the notion that Jews would – preferably around the Christian holiday of Easter – kidnap a Christian child (usually a boy), submit him to the tortures of the Passion of Jesus in order to ridicule the Christian faith,^[4] and finally kill him. The blood allegedly garnered in this action was supposedly used for religious and medicinal purposes. The accusation of ritual murder represents an extremely powerful anti-Jewish conspiracy fantasy: Jews are construed as inhuman, dangerous, downright demonic murderers and enemies of Christianity. The victims of these supposed deeds were meanwhile frequently elevated to the status of martyrs. Although leading representatives of the church regularly condemned these accusations, many locations connected with these stories became pilgrimage sites.^[5]

On Easter Sunday 1475, a Jewish family in Trent found the body of two-year-old Simon, who had been missing since Holy Thursday, in their cellar and informed the local Bishop, Johannes Hinderbach.^[6] He had the members of Trent’s small Jewish community arrested and tried in court. After “confessions” elicited under torture, the accused were executed and their property confiscated.^[7]

This unsigned painting (oil on wood, 46 x 47 cm) depicting the alleged ritual murder of Trent shows a group of nine men and one woman taking part in the slaughter of a blond, naked boy. Four scowling, bearded men hold the kneeling, weeping child on a table while one of them plunges a knife into his neck and another appears to be squeezing his carotid artery. A kneeling figure at the lower edge of the painting holds a bowl to catch the blood pouring from the wound. On the left-hand side stands a woman holding a candle, its flame casting a dim light on the scene. Behind her, a bearded man with a fanatic expression appears to be reading aloud from a book. In the background, a figure stands watch by a door that appears to be slightly ajar; his presence emphasizes the conspiratorial character of the scene.

According to what we know today, the painting comes from northern Italy or southern Germany, and dates to the mid-16th century: At an auction in Vienna in 1929 it was described as being from the “Alpine School [Alpenlandische Schule]. Middle of the 16th century.”^[8] The auction catalog also includes the first reference to the title “The Martyrdom of St. Simon of Trent.” Eight years prior, the painting had been described at another auction as “Southern German, around 1550. Depiction of a ritual murder.”^[9] This makes it the oldest object in the Langerman Collection. The assumption that the painting’s subject is indeed the supposed ritual murder of Trent is supported by the image composition, which appears to be based on the famous woodcut included in the Nuremberg Chronicle of 1493.^[10] However, whereas the torment of the boy in the woodcut is much more reminiscent of the crucifixion of Jesus, and the main characters are clearly marked as “Jews” by the “yellow ring” badges, the anti-Jewish character of the oil painting originates from the scene’s resemblance to ritual slaughter.

The 1475 ritual murder accusation of Trent is of particular importance in the history of antisemitism because of the ensuing inquisition trial.^[11] For Bishop Hinderbach’s intention was not to investigate the guilt or innocence of the Trent Jews over little Simon’s death; rather, he wanted to exact “confessions” from his prisoners – with the help of torture – that would prove, among other things, that Christian blood was a necessary component in Jewish rituals. The resulting “historical proof”^[12] of ritual murder circulated through all of Europe, thanks to copies of the interrogation protocols, poems, books and stories; and this so-called proof served as a precedent for later ritual murder trials. Attesting to its notoriety are the numerous pictures and woodcuts depicting the alleged ritual murder of Simon of Trent. At the same time, Bishop Hinderbach built up a cult of martyrdom around Simon, which persisted until it was banned in 1965 by a papal decree.^[13]

The ritual murder charge also can be found – in a slightly altered form – in modern antisemitism. The allegation that the blood of the murder victim was used for ritual purposes was supplemented by accusations of racial defilement, murder by ritual slaughter, and sexual perversion.^[14] In addition, the accusation of ritual murder – like nearly all antisemitic stereotypes – has proven to be very adaptable to and compatible with different contexts: In Islamic societies, for example, one finds it invoked in connection with the Mideast conflict, in order to demonize the Israeli state and “the Jews” in general,^[15] and by the same token the right-wing extremist QAnon movement conjures up an international secret cabal that purportedly kidnaps and tortures children and extracts adrenochrome from their blood to use as a “rejuvenating agent.”

^[1] Cited by Rainer Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende: Von den Anfängen bis ins 20. Jahrhundert,” in: Susanna Buttaroni/Stanisław Musiał (eds.), Ritualmord. Legenden in der europäischen Geschichte, Vienna 2003, pp. 11-20, here p. 19

^[2] On the emergence and spread of the ritual murder legend before 1475, see: Wolfgang Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozeß. Voraussetzungen – Abläufe – Auswirkungen (1475–1588), Hanover 1996, pp. 33-40.

^[3] See Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende,” p. 13.

^[4] See Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozeß, p. 30.

^[5] See Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende,” p. 12 f.; Rainer Erb, “Ritualmordbeschuldigung,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 3: Begriffe, Theorien, Ideologien, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2010, pp. 293-294; Anna Esposito, “Das Stereotyp des Ritualmordes in den Trienter Prozessen und die Verehrung des ‘Seligen’ Simone,” in: Susanna Buttaroni/Stanisław Musiał (eds.), Ritualmord. Legenden in der europäischen Geschichte, Vienna 2003, pp. 131-172, here p. 133.

^[6] See David L. Dahl, “Ritualmordvorwurf in Trient (1475),” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 4: Ereignisse, Dekrete, Kontroversen, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2011, pp. 356-358, here p. 356 f.

^[7]See Diego Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren gegen die Juden von Trient (1475–1478),” in: Susanna Buttaroni/Stanisław Musiał (eds.), Ritualmord. Legenden in der europäischen Geschichte, Vienna 2003, pp. 85-130, here p. 91.

^[8] Auktionshaus C. J. Wawra/Auktionshaus Glückselig/Kunsthändler Richard Leitner (eds.), Versteigerung der hinterlassenen Sammlung des Herrn Emil Weinberger Wien, Vienna 1929, p. 115, lot 460.

^[9] Albert Werner/Alfred Wawra (eds.), Versteigerung einer hervorragenden Sammlung von Gemälden alter und neuer Meister sowie von Kunst und Kunstgewerbe des 14. bis 18. Jahrhunderts, Vienna 1921, p. 62, lot 652.

^[10] See Hartmann Schedel, Register des Buchs der Croniken und Geschichten mit Figuren und Pildnussen von Anbeginn der Welt bis auf dise unnsere Zeit, Nuremberg 1493, p. CCLIV. Accessible online at: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.8305#0500.

^[11] For details, see: Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren;” Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozeß.

^[12] Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren,” p. 100.

^[13] See Dahl, “Ritualmordvorwurf in Trient,” p. 357 f.; Quaglioni, “Das Inquisitionsverfahren,” p. 86; Esposito, “Das Stereotyp,” pp. 143-153.

^[14] See Erb, “Die Ritualmordlegende,” p. 15.

^[15] See ibid., pp. 12 and 18 f., note 1. On the accusation of ritual murder in Islamic countries, see, by way of example: Malte Gebert, “Fatir Ziun (Mustafa Tlas, 1983),” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 6: Publikationen, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2013, pp. 196-197.

Summer Semester 2021

[1]
For an overview of artistic representations of the “Wandering Jew,” see: Richard I. Cohen,…

[2]
To learn more about the history of antisemitic forms of representation and the construct of “Jewish…

[3]
See the entry on De Wispelaere – een Brugs kunstenaarsgeslacht, on the blog of Rob Michiels Auctions…

[4]
See Mona Körte, “Ahasverus,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte…

[5]
See Wolfgang Benz, “Der ewige Jude.“ Metaphern und Methoden nationalsozialistischer…

[6]
Stefan Rohrbacher/Michael Schmidt, Judenbilder. Kulturgeschichte antijüdischer…

[7]
See Benz, “Der ewige Jude,” p. 10.

[8]
See, by way of example, Dominique Schnapper, “Le Juif errant,” in: Yves Lequin (ed.), Histoire des étrangers…

[9]
See Körte, “Ahasverus,” p. 4.

[10]
Benz, “Der ewige Jude,” p. 12 f.

[11]
For background information on the National Socialist propaganda film “Der ewige Jude,” see: Benz,…

[12]
See, by way of example, Galit Hasan-Rokem, “Ahasver,” in: Dan Diner (ed.), Enzyklopädie jüdischer…

[13]
See Mona Körte, Die Uneinholbarkeit des Verfolgten. Der Ewige Jude in der literarischen…

[14]
See Cohen, “The ‘Wandering Jew’,” particularly pp. 153-174.

The myth of the “Wandering Jew” as represented in art and culture

This massive bronze sculpture, more than half a meter high, completed by the Belgian sculptor Alfons De Wispelaere in 1919, depicts a bearded man garbed in a flowing cloak and sandals, standing on a rock. He has sidelocks, wears a head covering that resembles a kippah, and is supporting himself with a walking stick held in his right hand. His appearance is notable: It is characterized by a prominent, hooked nose and distorted facial features that give the man a tormented and at the same time malicious, sly expression. The flowing cloak, bare feet and walking stick suggest that this sculpture is a three-dimensional representation of the mythical figure of the “Wandering Jew” or “Eternal Jew”;^[1] its stigmatizing, supposedly “Jewish physiognomy” presents undeniable elements of the antisemitic tradition of representation.^[2]

Born in 1879 in Bruges, Alfons De Wispelaere came from a family of sculptors who specialized in Christian religious themes, creating objects, statues, decorations and furnishings for numerous churches, cathedrals and chapels in Belgium, other European countries and the USA. In addition to ecclesiastical commissions, the De Wispelaeres also worked as interior decorators for secular clients. The context of production, purpose and previous ownerships of our “Object of the Semester” remain yet unknown. Alfons De Wispelaere died in 1957 in Bruges, the city of his birth.^[3]

The legend of the “Wandering Jew” – who allegedly refused to let Jesus Christ rest in front of his house on his way to the crucifixion and was therefore condemned to roam the earth forever – dates back to the early Middle Ages. With an anonymous pamphlet only eight pages in length, entitled Kurtze Beschreibung und Erzehlung von einem Juden mit Namen Ahasverus, which appeared in 1602 in the context of the Protestant Reformation movement, the previously unnamed figure was personified as a Jewish cobbler named Ahasverus.^[4] The brochure had a major impact and was reprinted numerous times in several languages well into the 17th century, reaching a wide audience in Europe.^[5]

At the same time, an oral narrative developed, referring to appearances of the “Wandering Jew” in different locations. Ahasver’s supposed complicity in the suffering and death of Christ gradually faded into the background, while the aspect of his restless wandering dominated, becoming a “paradigm for the fate of his people.”^[6]

Herein lies the significance of the Ahasver legend for the development of hostility towards Jews. The figure of the eternally “Wandering Jew” increasingly came to symbolize the homeless Jewish people in the Diaspora, rather than one individual.^[7] Jews as a whole were seen as eternal strangers, as cosmopolitans or as a “nation within the nation,” who – whatever their citizenship, social advancement, or declarations of patriotism – could not belong to any nation and were assumed to have a supranational loyalty to their brothers and sisters in faith wherever they might be.^[8] In this context, the “eternal” character was and is understood from an antisemitic perspective as an indication of the everlasting immutability and impenitence of “the Jews” to the Christian doctrine of salvation^[9] and as “proof” of their supposedly unalterable “racial” and character traits. As with other antisemitic myths and stereotypes, the figure of the eternally “Wandering Jew” has adapted to the most varied cultural and historical contexts, from the Middle Ages to today.

For the National Socialists, the construct of the “Wandering Jew” – largely disconnected from the Ahasver legend – served as the “incarnation of Jewishness,” an enemy concept that stigmatized Jews collectively.^[10] The poster for the Nazi exhibition “The Eternal Jew,” which opened in Munich in November 1937, depicted a sinister figure holding a whip in one hand and coins in the other, a world map of Bolshevism tucked under one arm. This remains a prominent example of antisemitic imagery to this day. The Nazi exhibition and the eponymous propaganda film from 1940 appealed to the basest instincts of the viewers by comparing Jews with rats and depicting brutal scenes of slaughter.^[11] They were intended to create a repulsive counter-image to that of the “value-creating Aryan” – by means of the constructed image of the unsteady and unproductive “Eternal Jew” striving for world domination – and thus helped pave the way for the murder of the Jews of Europe.

The figure of Ahasver, doomed to wander forever, was not universally interpreted as antisemitic.^[12] It has inspired numerous Jewish and non-Jewish writers, philosophers and publicists over the centuries – from Johann Wolfgang von Goethe to Arthur Schopenhauer, from Ludwig Börne to Egon Erwin Kisch.^[13] The same applies to painting: The repertoire ranges from the antisemitic representation of the “Wandering Jew” in Wilhelm Kaulbach’s monumental 1846 work, “The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus,” to the famous drawings by Marc Chagall.^[14]

^[1] For an overview of artistic representations of the “Wandering Jew,” see: Richard I. Cohen, “The ‘Wandering Jew’ from Medieval Legend to Modern Metaphor,” in: Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett/Jonathan Karp (eds.), The Art of Being Jewish in Modern Times, Philadelphia 2008, pp. 147-175.

^[2] To learn more about the history of antisemitic forms of representation and the construct of “Jewish physiognomy,” see: Peter K. Klein, “’Jud, dir kuckt der Spitzbub aus dem Gesicht!’ Traditionen antisemitischer Bildstereotypen und die Physiognomie des ‘Juden’ als Konstrukt,“ in: Helmut Gold/Georg Heuberger (eds.), Abgestempelt. Judenfeindliche Postkarten. Auf der Grundlage der Sammlung Wolfgang Haney, Heidelberg 1999, pp. 43-78.

^[3] See the entry on De Wispelaere – een Brugs kunstenaarsgeslacht, on the blog of Rob Michiels Auctions in Bruges, undated, https://www.rm-auctions.com/nl/blog/de-wispelaere—een-brugs-kunstenaarsgeslacht- [accessed on 6 May 2021].

^[4] See Mona Körte, “Ahasverus,” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 3: Begriffe, Theorien, Ideologien, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2010, pp. 3-6, here p. 3.

^[5] See Wolfgang Benz, “Der ewige Jude.“ Metaphern und Methoden nationalsozialistischer Propaganda, Berlin 2010, p. 9.

^[6] Stefan Rohrbacher/Michael Schmidt, Judenbilder. Kulturgeschichte antijüdischer Mythen und antisemitischer Vorurteile, Reinbek 1991, p. 249.

^[7]See Benz, “Der ewige Jude,” p. 10.

^[8] See, by way of example, Dominique Schnapper, “Le Juif errant,” in: Yves Lequin (ed.), Histoire des étrangers et de l’immigration en France, Paris 1992, pp. 363-377; Michael Woolf, “The Wandering Jew,” in: Frontiers. The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 30 (2018) 1, pp. 20-32.

^[9] See Körte, “Ahasverus,” p. 4.

^[10] Benz, “Der ewige Jude,” p. 12 f.

^[11] For background information on the National Socialist propaganda film “Der ewige Jude,” see: Benz, “Der ewige Jude,” pp. 139-157.

^[12] See, by way of example, Galit Hasan-Rokem, “Ahasver,” in: Dan Diner (ed.), Enzyklopädie jüdischer Geschichte und Kultur. Bd. 1: A-Cl, Stuttgart 2011, pp. 9-13.

^[13] See Mona Körte, Die Uneinholbarkeit des Verfolgten. Der Ewige Jude in der literarischen Phantastik, Frankfurt a. M. 2000.

^[14] See Cohen, “The ‘Wandering Jew’,” particularly pp. 153-174.

Winter Semester 2020/21

[1]
Daniel Freeman et al., “Coronavirus Conspiracy Beliefs, Mistrust, and Compliance with…

[2]
Édouard Drumont, La France juive. Essai d’histoire contemporaine. Édition illustrée...

[3]
The lithograph bears the signature “NAVELLIER-MARIE. S.,” which stands for the French xylographers…

[4]
See Drumont, La France juive, pp. 147-152. See also: Stefan Rohrbacher/Michael Schmidt,…

[5]
Medievalist Johannes Heil writes that this myth was “of eminent importance for the formation of the…

[6]
See František Graus, Pest – Geißler – Judenmorde. Das 14. Jahrhundert als Krisenzeit,…

[7]
For an overview, see: Anti-Defamation League, “Coronavirus Crisis…

[8]
Telegram account of Attila Hildmann, post of 9 May 2020 [accessed on 4 June 2020].

[9]
See Sebastian Leber, “Attila Hildmann gibt Juden die Schuld – und verteidigt Hitler,” in: Der…

From medieval well-poisoning myths to COVID-19: Antisemitic conspiracy fantasies during epidemics

A representative survey by University of Oxford clinical psychologists, conducted in May 2020 during an early peak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe, found that almost 20 percent of British citizens agreed in part or in full with the statement that “Jews have created the virus to collapse the economy for financial gain.”^[1]

The survey revealed how versatile and adaptable antisemitic stereotypes have been over the centuries. The topos of Jews as alleged causes of and at the same time as profiteers from illness has been a recurring element of anti-Jewish attributions since the 14th century. Outbreaks of diseases like leprosy, plague, cholera, typhus, swine flu, Ebola, avian flu, SARS, and COVID-19 continue to provide fertile ground for antisemitic conspiracy fantasies that depict Jews as troublemakers, triggering and profiting from crises, and perpetrating all sorts of evil.

A central motif which has been handed down over the centuries since the Middle Ages, and reactivated time and again particularly during periods of crisis, is the accusation against Jews as alleged poisoners of wells. Our “Object of the Semester” is a visual representation of this motif as depicted in the late 19th century illustrated edition of the nearly 1,000-page La France juive, the major work by Édouard Drumont, the most influential French antisemite of his day (Figure 1).^[2]

It depicts a village scene in which three figures are standing around a well. The left male figure is recognizable – through his bandaged limbs – as having leprosy. The middle figure, who has rags around his feet and is thus apparently also characterized as having leprosy, is pouring a liquid from a jug resembling an aquamanile – a vessel used for ritual Jewish ablutions – into the well. Standing a good distance from the leprous figures is a man in dark clothing who seems to be watching over the secretive action as a puppet master of sorts. This figure displays some key elements of traditional antisemitic representations. The typical construct of a “Jewish physiognomy” is manifested through his long, slightly hooked nose, visually emphasized by the corners of his mouth and full beard, and a facial expression that can be perceived as devious. Unlike the other two figures, who are wearing typical medieval belt pouches, “the Jew” is depicted as carrying a moneybag, in reference to the classic anti-Jewish stereotype of alleged Jewish wealth and avarice.

The origin, provenance and production of the lithograph are largely unclear.^[3] But there is no doubt about Drumont’s interpretation, which he stated unequivocally in the caption: “Les Juifs avaient organisé une conspiration de lépreux pour empoisonner les fontaines.” (“The Jews had organized a conspiracy of lepers to poison the wells.”). Drumont was thus referring to an anti-Jewish myth that began in 1321 in southern France, according to which Jews had secretly instrumentalized lepers, paying them to poison springs and wells in order to take revenge on Christians, infecting them with the disease and decimating their numbers.^[4] This idea proved to be extremely tenacious and adaptable^[5] over the following decades and centuries; it was reactivated during various epidemics and served – as in 1348/49 during the bubonic plague epidemic in Europe – as a pretext for massive violent attacks on the Jewish population.^[6]

To this day, antisemitic conspiracy thinking is widespread throughout the world and has been breaking fresh ground in countless blogs, image boards and social media – often in the form of memes, cartoons and photomontages – since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.^[7] A particularly common antisemitic meme in this genre is that of the “Happy Merchant,” which originated in the US-American right-wing extremist “White Supremacist” movement of the 2000s. It appears on the Internet in countless variations, particularly on the platforms 4chan, 8kun, Gab, Telegram and Reddit, and serves conspiracy fantasies ranging from Christian anti-Judaism to racist forms to Holocaust denial and Israel-related antisemitism.

The Stürmer-like caricature sports a grotesque face with an exaggerated nose and an unkempt full beard; the figure is wearing a kippah, laughing conspiratorially and rubbing his hands together in anticipation of financial gain (see here). Equipped with a syringe and an ambiguous warning sign, it represents – as did the alleged “well poisoning Jew” of medieval days – an easy means to scapegoat “the Jews” for the global crisis triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic and to provide a supposedly simple explanation for what are actually complex facts that are hard to understand: “The Jews” would spread the virus in order to profit from the crisis as well as from the vaccine being developed to combat the disease.

Here again it becomes clear how antisemitic stereotypes and conspiracy fantasies involving Jews can adapt over time, emerging in ever-new variations. The fact that the old myth of well poisoning can be reactivated – not only in terms of structure but also almost literally – can be seen in a statement by cookbook author Attila Hildmann in May 2020. This self-appointed activist in the COVID-19 conspiracy fantasy scene, who claims to be one of the figureheads of the “hygiene demos” against the protective measures meant to contain the pandemic, claimed in a post on his Telegram social media account that sedatives had been mixed into the drinking water and that he had been “EXTREMELY tired for two days.”^[8] The close connection of such crude fantasies with anti-Jewish stereotypes was revealed a few weeks later, when Hildmann drew attention through inflammatory antisemitic statements on the Internet.^[9]

^[1] Daniel Freeman et al., “Coronavirus Conspiracy Beliefs, Mistrust, and Compliance with Government Guidelines in England,” in: Psychological Medicine, published online on 21 May 2020, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291720001890 [accessed on 16 June 2020], p. 6.

^[2] Édouard Drumont, La France juive. Essai d’histoire contemporaine. Édition illustrée de scènes, vues, portraits, cartes et plans d’après les dessins de nos meilleurs artistes, Paris, undated, p. 145. ALAVA – TU Berlin, inventory number 7800. The non-illustrated first edition of La France juive was published in 1886. See Bjoern Weigel, “La France Juive (Édouard Drumont, 1886),” in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 6: Publikationen, published by Wolfgang Benz, Berlin 2013, pp. 215-217.

^[3] The lithograph bears the signature “NAVELLIER-MARIE. S.,” which stands for the French xylographers and engravers Narcisse Navellier and Alexandre Léon Marie. In the second half of the 19th century, the duo produced countless engravings for publications of all kinds. It is not yet known whether Navellier and Marie were working on commission for Drumont when completing the illustration for La France juive, or whether it was created earlier, in another context. It is also likely that the engraving was based on a drawing by another, hitherto unknown artist.

^[4] See Drumont, La France juive, pp. 147-152. See also: Stefan Rohrbacher/Michael Schmidt, Judenbilder. Kulturgeschichte antijüdischer Mythen und antisemitischer Vorurteile, Reinbek 1991, p. 196.

^[5] Medievalist Johannes Heil writes that this myth was “of eminent importance for the formation of the conspiracy narrative.” Johannes Heil, “Gottesfeinde” – “Menschenfeinde”. Die Vorstellung von jüdischer Weltverschwörung (13. bis 16. Jahrhundert), Essen 2006, p. 283.

^[6] See František Graus, Pest – Geißler – Judenmorde. Das 14. Jahrhundert als Krisenzeit, Göttingen 1987.

^[7]For an overview, see: Anti-Defamation League, “Coronavirus Crisis Elevates Antisemitic, Racist Tropes,” published online on 17 March 2020, https://www.adl.org/blog/coronavirus-crisis-elevates-antisemitic-racist-tropes, and Community Security Trust, “Coronavirus and the Plague of Antisemitism. Research Briefing,” published online on 8 April 2020, https://cst.org.uk/data/file/d/9/Coronavirus%20and%20the%20plague%20of%20antisemitism.1586276450.pdf [both accessed on 16 June 2020].

^[8] Telegram account of Attila Hildmann, post of 9 May 2020 [accessed on 4 June 2020]

^[9] See Sebastian Leber, “Attila Hildmann gibt Juden die Schuld – und verteidigt Hitler,” in: Der Tagesspiegel, published online on 19 June 2020, https://www.tagesspiegel.de/themen/reportage/antisemitismus-im-netz-attila-hildmann-gibt-juden-die-schuld-und-verteidigt-hitler/25930880.html [accessed on 19 June 2020].